First Nations Materials at SLQ: Language Records, Photographs and Cultural Knowledge
There is a particular kind of weight carried by a record that was never meant to exist. A wordlist scratched into a pastoral ledger by a station manager who understood just enough of the language spoken around him to write a few phonetic approximations. A glass plate negative exposed on a mission reserve, the faces in the frame looking past the lens with expressions that tell, even now, of lives being observed rather than witnessed. A genealogy chart spanning seventeen island communities, compiled by a teacher who had been trusted, over years of patient return, with something families were not always free to share. These are not incidental documents. They are among the most consequential materials held anywhere in Queensland, and a substantial body of them rests at the State Library of Queensland — within the John Oxley Library on level four of the South Bank building, and within the cultural space of kuril dhagun one floor below.
To understand what SLQ holds in its First Nations collections is to understand something larger about how colonial documentation works — what it captured, what it distorted, what it inadvertently preserved, and what communities are now able to recover from it. The library does not hold these materials as a neutral archive. It holds them within a framework of active relationship — with communities, with language custodians, with descendants seeking family history, with researchers pursuing Native Title, with Elders who want to hear voices recorded a generation before they were born. That relational dimension is inseparable from any serious account of what these collections are and what they do.
THE SCALE OF LANGUAGE DIVERSITY.
Queensland is, by any measure, one of the most linguistically diverse places on earth. There are more than 150 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander language groups in Queensland. That figure — more than one hundred and fifty distinct language traditions within a single Australian state — is not merely a demographic statistic. It represents accumulated millennia of meaning-making: the names of places, the grammar of kinship, the vocabulary of ceremony, the syntax of Country. Languages are not simply communication tools; they encode ways of relating to the world that do not fully translate.
The State Library of Queensland works with communities to support the preservation, revitalisation, and continuation of traditional languages, including languages that are living and those that are sleeping. That distinction — living and sleeping — carries more precision than it might first appear. A sleeping language is not a dead language. It may have no fluent speakers remaining, but if records exist, if recordings survive, if wordlists were written down at the moment of colonial contact, then the possibility of revival remains. SLQ holds material relevant to languages in both categories, and its work in each differs in character and urgency.
To date, the library has identified over 90 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages in more than 600 State Library collection items. These language materials are books, music, computer files, journals, visual works and archival collections. The process of identifying language materials within the broader collection is ongoing and non-trivial. Much of the relevant material is embedded in records that were not catalogued under any linguistic classification — pastoral records, government correspondence, missionary journals, diaries — and requires specialist knowledge and community consultation to locate and interpret. In 2019, the metadata was enhanced with updated reference names and codes as part of the AUSTLANG national code-a-thon. That kind of work — painstaking, collaborative, technically precise — is the unglamorous infrastructure on which language revitalisation depends.
WHAT THE ORIGINAL MATERIALS HOLD.
The language-bearing materials at SLQ do not arrive neatly labelled. Original materials refer to a historically rich and diverse range of material such as business records, diaries and correspondence, photographs, artworks and film, original maps and plans, artefacts and oral histories. Of particular interest for language research are materials collected by pastoralists, government officers, missionaries and other individuals. Such materials, including wordlists, vocabularies and other language knowledge, date back to the 1820s and give a historical insight into how language was spoken and documented at the time of contact.
Among the most instructive examples from the pastoral record: many pastoral properties had Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander workers and may have collected information on people on the property as well as language and culture. For example, Lammermoor Station via Hughenden was selected in 1863 by Robert Christison, who documented over 500 words from the Dalleburra Aboriginal workers on the property. A squatter-era word list is an uncomfortable document. It records the language of people who were, in many cases, working under conditions of profound constraint. But it is also, for the Dalleburra community and its descendants, potentially the most detailed record of a vocabulary that might otherwise be unrecoverable. The same ambivalence runs through much of what SLQ holds.
Roth and Meston, who were Chief Protectors of Aborigines in Queensland in the 1897-1920s period, collated a significant amount of material on the lives, customs and beliefs of the people under their jurisdiction. The Meston Papers contain notebooks, press cuttings and journal entries on Aboriginal words and phrases from communities and towns across Queensland. The Protector system was one of the most coercive instruments of colonial governance ever applied to First Nations people in Queensland. Its records — the correspondence, the movement registers, the language notes — are now among the primary documentary resources available to communities who were subject to it. That is the particular cruelty and utility of these archives simultaneously: the apparatus of control generated the evidence of what it sought to suppress.
THE MARGARET LAWRIE COLLECTION: A UNESCO RECOGNITION.
Among the specific collections at SLQ, the Margaret Lawrie Collection stands as a singular body of Torres Strait Islander cultural knowledge. Margaret Elizabeth Lawrie, née Hayes (1917–2003) was recognised for capturing and retelling many of the myths and legends of the Torres Strait Islander people. Her relationship with the communities of the Torres Strait was built over decades, beginning with a government-requested visit alongside the poet Oodgeroo Noonuccal (Kath Walker) and deepening through repeated, extended stays across the region.
During her visits to seventeen Torres Strait Islander communities, Lawrie recorded and documented the history, languages, lifestyle, and culture of the people living in the Torres Strait. The depth of what she gathered is reflected in the breadth of the resulting collection. The collection, which was added to UNESCO’s Australian Memory of the World Register in 2008, consists of material gathered between 1964 and 1973, and also contains children’s games, maps, music, photographs, plants, sketches, stories and vocabularies of the Torres Strait.
Lawrie collated 328 genealogy sheets from seventeen Torres Strait Islander communities including Badu, Mabuiag, Thursday Island, Bamaga, Muraleg (Prince of Wales Island), Ugar, Boigu Island, Murray Island, Warraber, Dauan Island, Naghir (Mount Ernest Island), Yam Island, Erub (Darnley Island), Poruma (Coconut Island), Yorke Island, Horn Island, Saibai, Kubin Village and Seisia. This genealogical record, spanning the breadth of the Torres Strait, continues to serve purposes that Lawrie could not have fully anticipated. A particular strength of the collection is the many genealogies she documented of families living across the seventeen communities of the Torres Strait. These are still used in family history research and Native Title claims.
The access conditions attached to the collection reflect the complexity of holding culturally significant material in a public institution. Restrictions are placed on the digitised genealogy charts due to the private and sensitive nature of the material. Copies are provided to individuals and families researching their family history and to Land Councils for the purpose of Native Title claims upon the provision of a request on official letterhead showing the claim and claims number. This calibrated approach — open enough to serve community needs, restricted enough to protect the material’s integrity — represents a model for how collecting institutions can hold culturally sensitive records responsibly.
The collection also became, through a collaborative project with community members, a living document rather than a closed archive. The State Library produced a project called Retold — a retelling of stories and songs from Myths and Legends of the Torres Strait — that involved Torres Strait Islander community members retelling the stories collected during 1964 and 1973 and providing additional cultural information to complement the original stories. The principle embedded in that project — that archival material belongs in active dialogue with the communities it documents — has wider implications for how SLQ approaches its First Nations holdings generally.
THE PHOTOGRAPHIC RECORD AND ITS COMPLICATIONS.
The State Library of Queensland has a rich collection of images in many different formats — online digitised images, copy prints, photograph albums and glass negatives. First Nations people feature in many photographs in the John Oxley Library and these photographs may be very relevant to research.
The photographic archive is not without its ethical complications, and the library is direct about this. Many early photographs were staged by anthropologists and photographers, showing groups with body paint and armour in fake settings. Some images were taken in studios, with props that suggested Aboriginal heritage. The constructed nature of many early photographs — images made not to document but to illustrate a European idea of indigeneity — does not make them historically useless, but it requires their interpretation to be handled with care and community guidance.
More significant as primary documents are the untreated photographic records: the mission photographs, the station records, the community images that were incidental rather than posed. The library holds a rare collection of glass plate negatives featuring Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, including Barambah, Mapoon, Yarrabah, and more. This glass plate collection includes photographs of Barambah, Darnley Island, Mapoon, Saibai Island, Taroom, Yam Island, Yarrabah and York Island. These are places — missions and reserves mostly — whose histories are among the most contested and painful in Queensland’s colonial past. The photographs taken there carry that weight.
The library’s Copy Print Collection includes many images of First Nations people from the 1800s to the 1950s. The temporal span of this material — across a century and a half — means that it traverses the full arc of Queensland’s formal governance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, from the era before the 1897 Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act through to the decades of its most intensive application. Photographs from this period are records of a surveillance-adjacent relationship between settler institutions and First Nations communities. They are also, for many families, the only visual evidence that their ancestors existed.
The Norman Tindale genealogical collection, accessible through SLQ, adds another dimension. Norman Tindale was an anthropologist based at the South Australian Museum. He recorded vast amounts of genealogical and other information about First Nations communities from all over Australia, the majority being collected during the 1920s and 1930s. The Tindale collection has been the subject of sustained scholarly debate about the methods and assumptions of the anthropological tradition in which it was produced. It remains, simultaneously, an invaluable genealogical resource and a document that requires reading against the grain of its own assumptions.
KURIL DHAGUN: COLLECTIONS IN COMMUNITY CONTEXT.
The physical space at which SLQ most concretely enacts its First Nations collections work is kuril dhagun, located on level one of the South Bank building. The name comes from the Yuggera language: ‘kuril’ refers to a native marsupial near Kurilpa Point, and ‘dhagun’ means earth, place, or country, together meaning ‘kuril’s place’. The naming is not incidental; it situates the space within the living language tradition of the Yuggera people, whose Country encompasses the land on which the library stands.
kuril dhagun has been State Library’s centre for Queensland’s unique Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures since 2006. It is a gathering place for all people to engage, share, listen and learn through an ongoing public program of showcases and events. The distinction between a cultural space and a reading room is significant. Located on Level 1, kuril dhagun is a dedicated cultural and multi-purpose space that inspires community participation and engagement. Since 2006, it has been a hub for Queensland’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and a significant place for learning and connection.
The space includes artworks by Queensland Aboriginal artists. Visitors can experience artworks including MAIWAR Yunggulba by Megan Cope, Dolly and Birds on a Wire by Laurie Nilsen, and Kurilpa Country by Aunty Lilla Watson. Outside the building, the Talking Circle is an outdoor seating area around a fire pit, overlooking the Brisbane River and CBD. Traditionally, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples gathered around fire to talk, laugh and pass on knowledge. Sitting in a Talking Circle ensures everyone is heard, encouraging connection and group conversation. These spatial elements are not decorative; they constitute a different model of institutional engagement — one in which the building itself participates in the cultural work rather than merely housing it.
kuril dhagun is led by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff who assist with navigating State Library collections, family history research, and venue hire. The staffing model is not incidental to the function. When communities come to SLQ to research family members who were subject to the Protectorate system, or to identify photographs held in the glass plate collection, or to access genealogical material for Native Title purposes, the presence of First Nations staff who understand both the collections and the communities they serve is structurally significant.
THE QUESTION OF SOVEREIGNTY OVER KNOWLEDGE.
One of the most difficult questions any collecting institution faces in relation to First Nations materials is the question of custodial sovereignty. Photographs were often taken without consent. Language recordings were made during periods when formal consent frameworks did not exist. Genealogical material was compiled by people who had their own research agendas. Mission records documented communities under conditions of colonial legal constraint. What obligations does an institution incur when it holds material of this kind?
The State Library acknowledges that language heritage and knowledge always remain with the Traditional Owners, Elders, language custodians and other community members of each language group and Country. The library further recognises that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages are intrinsically connected to and inseparable from Country, culture and community. These are not merely courtesy statements. They have practical implications for how the library manages access, describes materials, and engages communities in decisions about what is shown, digitised, or restricted.
The National and State Libraries Australasia framework acknowledges that in general, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities’ perceptions of collecting institutions are not positive. Institutions such as libraries and museums are historically viewed as places where items were ‘taken’ without permission, and remain hidden from their traditional owners. The credibility of SLQ’s work in this space depends, in large part, on whether the library can demonstrate in practice — not merely in policy — that it operates differently from that historical pattern.
Through programming and collection acquisitions, State Library records and shares contemporary Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander stories, reawakening knowledge and keeping culture strong. The addition of contemporary material alongside historical collections matters for this reason: an archive that holds only the colonial-era record, without also holding the voices of living community members, creates a skewed portrait that frames First Nations people as historical subjects rather than contemporary agents. The inclusion of recent photography, community-produced digital stories, and living language materials works against that distortion.
The SLQ First Nations Strategy 2024–28, as published on the library’s official site, signals an institutional commitment to deepening this work over the current period. State Library will reimagine kuril dhagun and examine the role, space and operations of kuril dhagun to ensure it honours and welcomes Queensland’s First Nations people and communities. The library will also pursue opportunities to ensure it is a space of authentic learning, where visitors can experience the diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and stories.
AUDIO-VISUAL RECORDS AND THE TEXTURE OF LIVING LANGUAGE.
Beyond the manuscript and photographic collections, SLQ also holds audio-visual materials that document language in its most vital form: as sound, as speech, as song. The State Library holds a range of historical and contemporary audio-visual materials that relate to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander languages. Among specific examples: a collection of five cassette recordings made in 1974 with several Gunggari language speakers in the Mitchell area. Recordings of this kind — made in a particular moment, with specific speakers, in a specific community context — are irreplaceable in a way that wordlists are not. They carry inflection, prosody, the sound of a language alive.
Note that many recordings of language are also held at the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) in Canberra. The distributed nature of this material — spread across multiple collecting institutions at state and national level — is one of the practical challenges facing language revitalisation. Communities seeking to recover a language may need to navigate multiple institutions, each holding different pieces of the documentary record. SLQ’s Interactive Queensland Language Resources Map, which identifies languages by name and location with direct links to collection items, represents one effort to make this navigation more coherent.
The ReTold project with the Margaret Lawrie Collection offers a model for what becomes possible when audio-visual material from an archive is returned, in some form, to the communities it documents. A collection of eleven digital stories by Torres Strait Islander community members retelling stories and songs from Myths and Legends of the Torres Strait was produced under this project. The stories did not simply repeat the archival material. They added context, corrected misinterpretations, and inserted community voice into what had previously been a one-directional record. That is the most generative form of archival work: not replacement, but dialogue.
A PERMANENT CIVIC ADDRESS FOR A LIVING RESPONSIBILITY.
The question of how institutions hold First Nations materials is ultimately a question about civic accountability over time. It is not settled by a policy document or a physical space, however well-designed. It is a question that must be asked again in each generation, as community needs evolve, as digitisation changes what access means, as language revitalisation programs generate new contexts for old records, and as the institutional landscape of cultural heritage shifts around the collections.
The project of anchoring Queensland’s civic and cultural institutions onto a permanent onchain identity layer — represented, in the case of the State Library of Queensland, by the namespace slq.queensland — speaks to exactly this question of accountability across time. A namespace is a commitment to permanence: a declaration that the institution exists, that its collections are real, that its address in civic space will not be deprecated or redirected. For the First Nations collections in particular — materials whose value to communities may increase rather than diminish as language programs mature and Native Title processes evolve — that kind of permanent, verifiable address matters in ways that go beyond the merely technical.
The work SLQ undertakes with First Nations materials is among the most ethically demanding work a collecting institution can do. It requires the library to hold simultaneously the role of custodian and the acknowledgment that custodianship is contingent — that the materials it holds carry obligations back to the communities from which they came, and that access, description, and use must be negotiated rather than assumed. The glass plate negatives, the genealogy charts, the language recordings, the Meston Papers, the Margaret Lawrie Collection in all its UNESCO-recognised depth: these are not exhibits. They are evidences of lives, and they remain alive in their consequences.
That is what slq.queensland is called to represent: not merely the institutional address of a library on South Bank, but the permanent civic acknowledgment that Queensland’s documentary memory — including, and perhaps especially, the memory held in trust for its First Nations communities — is a living inheritance, not a closed account.
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